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samoan62's avatar

What's insane is that in John Mearsheimer's book (although I haven't read it, only heard) he doesn't mention the CFR money which is actually much larger than AIPAC. Of course he was once a fellow at the CFR.

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Mike Moschos's avatar

Great work! Your point out of inherent contradictions of the "its just money and maybe also a little bit of social access" arguments is insightful. Yes indeed Venezuela -- as currently existing -- could not do what Israel does here with any amount of money.

But I would have a disagreement *IF* the final analysis then over compensates by placing too much weight within a different special interest group, such as the US's MIC; there is constellation of special interest groups, and this constellation is only ever semi coherent, its just that global conditions have allowed for big actions to be taken with consensus, but within those actions, coherence fuzzes and contradictory actions occur, they don't fully decohere because the Empire's extractions methods always make sure that all eat and even when things are going wrong due to their mutual contradictions, such as in Afghanistan, they still all eat until that plays been too screwed up to and their contradictions too pronounced to continue, then they leave and move onto the next one.

And as usual :).... Regarding this passage of yours here:

"The liberal architecture of the state requires clean lines of division between political and economic power that capitalism has rendered implausible. The Marxist / Leninist view that the capitalist state exists to serve the interests of connected capitalists certainly seems to be more descriptively accurate—of the US at any rate, than the liberal theory of a ‘mixed economy.’"

While this passage aptly references the intricate relationship between political and economic power in modern capitalism, it overlooks the historical context and evolution of governance structures in the United States. The paradigm of the USA's Old Republic, characterized by its decentralized governance and robust local democratic engagement, was distinctly different from both Marxist-Leninist and modern liberal architectures. This earlier model ( some of the most important pieces of which were still in almost fully in place (and had been in place for the entirely of the nation's existence) until the late 1970s and partially until the mid 1980s and slightly until ~2000) generated a quite significant degree of local autonomy and citizen participation, in its golden age it had been dramatically expanding who had access to its deliberations and if its hadn't been murdered would be quite a sight to behold today. Its structures enabled a more nuanced and flexible approach to economic and political issues that allowed many people to participate. The huge shift towards centralization since the late 1970s, following the large and slower rolled shift over the late 1970s preceding decades, which has blurred the lines between political and economic power, should be seen as an inherent goal of the liberal architecture's design and is enabled by a deviation from the decentralized principles that once underpinned the republic. And while the Marxist-Leninist critique has descriptively power in the current context, it tends to leave out the potential of a decentralized, participatory model that could address many of the issues attributed to the entanglement of political and economic power. A return to the decentralized governance structures of the Old Republic could reinvigorate democratic engagement and address economic disparities and failings.

Thanks again for the interesting and thoughtful writing!

---Mike

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